Disinformation Research is Apolitical
Summaries Written by FARAgent (AI) on February 16, 2026 · Pending Verification
For years, anti-disinformation work was sold as a neutral cleanup operation. The language sounded sober and technical: misinformation was merely false or misleading information, disinformation was the deliberate version, and the job was to identify it before it poisoned public life. That case had force, especially after the 2016 election, Covid, and a flood of obvious online hoaxes. A reasonable person could look at state-backed propaganda, troll farms, fabricated stories, and viral nonsense, then conclude that independent monitors, fact-checkers, and ratings firms were performing a nonpartisan public service.
What went wrong was that the enterprise kept colliding with politics while insisting it stood above politics. Groups such as the Global Disinformation Index described themselves as independent, neutral, and transparent, yet their ratings and blacklists fell heavily on right-leaning or heterodox outlets, including UnHerd, which was flagged in part over views on gender and "anti-LGBTQI+" content. Those judgments did not stay academic; they fed advertiser boycotts and throttled revenue. Critics such as Elon Musk, Nate Silver, and Sridhar Vembu argued that the "misinformation" label was being used less as a narrow test of factual falsity than as a way to punish disfavored viewpoints, while defenders replied that the targets simply produced more harmful falsehoods.
The debate now turns on whether this pattern reflects partisan capture or an unpleasant but legitimate asymmetry in who spreads bad information. A substantial body of experts and critics now reject the old claim of political neutrality, pointing to ideological skew in media, academia, and the organizations that police speech, along with repeated cases where contested opinions were treated as settled falsehoods. Others still maintain that disinformation research is basically evidence-driven and that accusations of bias are often a way to discredit scrutiny. The original promise, that this would be an apolitical enterprise concerned only with lies, is increasingly recognized as at least doubtful.
- Elon Musk bought Twitter in 2022 and soon discovered internal documents showing government agencies and outside groups shaping content rules. He released the Twitter Files and publicly called for the Global Disinformation Index to be shut down after it rated his platform and outlets like UnHerd as high risk. Musk labeled the index a biased actor that punished conservative speech while claiming neutrality. His actions triggered congressional scrutiny, advertiser shifts, and lawsuits that forced funders to reconsider their support. The episode illustrated how one outsider with resources could expose what insiders had long denied. [2][3][5]
- Nina Jankowicz was named executive director of the Department of Homeland Security’s Disinformation Governance Board in 2022. She presented the board as a neutral coordinator that would protect free speech while countering foreign and domestic lies about elections and public health. Within weeks Fox News hosts called her a censor and the board a threat to the First Amendment. She received death threats while eight months pregnant, resigned after three weeks, and later sued the network for defamation. The board was quietly dissolved. [15][17]
- Brandy Zadrozny worked as an NBC News reporter covering disinformation. She co-authored a chapter in the Verification Handbook that instructed journalists to use paid data brokers to unmask anonymous social media accounts spreading what she called harmful narratives. She celebrated on Twitter when Facebook removed QAnon groups she had targeted and doxed accounts like the Columbia Bugle after they were retweeted by Trump. Revolver News later profiled her sympathetic story about a pedophile and her history of focusing on Trump supporters. [9]
- Katherine Maher became CEO of NPR in 2024 after leading the Wikimedia Foundation. She had a long record of tweets using phrases such as structural privilege and toxic masculinity. When senior editor Uri Berliner published an essay accusing NPR of ideological capture, Maher suspended him without pay for five days. Berliner resigned. The episode reinforced conservative arguments that public broadcasters enforced partisan standards under the banner of neutrality. [10]
The Global Disinformation Index was founded in 2018 and received grants from the US State Department, the UK Foreign Office, the European Union, and the Knight Foundation. It created a ratings system that assigned risk scores to websites based on factors including anti-LGBTQI+ narratives and gender-critical content. UnHerd received a low brand-safety rating and was placed on ad-tech exclusion lists, causing advertisers to pull campaigns. The organization described its work as independent and transparent. After investigative reporting and congressional pressure, several funders withdrew support by 2023. [1][2][3][5]
The Center for Countering Digital Hate was established by former Labour Party operatives and received funding from George Soros’s Open Society Foundations. It published reports labeling conservative sites such as The Federalist and Zero Hedge as sources of hate speech and urged advertisers and platforms to demonetize them. The group met with more than sixty congressional offices to advocate for a new US digital regulator modeled on European laws. Leaked documents revealed internal plans titled Kill Musk’s Twitter. Elon Musk sued the organization in 2023 alleging falsified data. [19][20][21]
The Department of Homeland Security created the Disinformation Governance Board in 2022 to coordinate efforts against misinformation on topics including immigration and elections. Officials described the board as fully consistent with constitutional protections. Senator Josh Hawley demanded its dissolution on the day it was announced. Fox News coverage amplified criticism and the board was shut down within months. The episode became a case study in how quickly federal initiatives could collapse under partisan fire. [17][15]
Experts and officials insisted that anti-disinformation work was a neutral, evidence-based enterprise. They pointed to Soviet-era dezinformatsiya as a real technique that had been updated for the digital age. Surveys such as one from Pew showed that half of Americans considered made-up news a major problem comparable to violent crime. The harm model borrowed from public health, treating false information like a toxin that altered beliefs and behavior in measurable ways. Funding from governments and foundations lent the enterprise an aura of official expertise. [1][4]
Early claims rested on the idea that definitions of misinformation as false or misleading content and disinformation as intentionally deceptive material could be applied objectively. The Global Disinformation Index presented its methodology as independent and data-driven, citing intelligence and think-tank backgrounds among its staff. Its 2022 analysis of US media found that the ten riskiest sites were all right-leaning while the safest were mostly left-leaning. Proponents argued this reflected genuine differences in factual reliability rather than political preference. [2][5]
Fact-checking organizations like PolitiFact maintained that selections followed news judgment and prominence rather than partisanship. A study of their output showed that checks concentrated on a small number of high-profile politicians who generated most media coverage. Bill Adair, the founder, stated that the goal was balance across parties and that earlier bias accusations had relied on unrepresentative samples. Subsequent research that controlled for prominence, media attention, and social media activity found no clear partisan skew in who was fact-checked. [6][31]
Yet mounting evidence challenges the claim of neutrality. The same ratings systems repeatedly classified mainstream conservative arguments on gender as disinformation. Fact-checkers sometimes rated statements based on contested political narratives, as when PolitiFact labeled a Trump comment about the Kenosha events false despite video evidence supporting his description. Critics argue that institutional left lean in academia and journalism shaped which topics and voices were scrutinized. Significant questions surround whether the enterprise can escape the political incentives that govern funding, hiring, and promotion. [5][31][24]
After the 2016 Brexit vote and Trump election, media and academic discourse filled with terms such as post-truth era and misinformation age. Oxford Dictionaries named post-truth its word of the year in 2016 and Collins chose fake news in 2017. The World Economic Forum listed misinformation as the top global risk ahead of nuclear war. These narratives created a climate in which skepticism of official fact-checking was itself treated as suspect. [1][4]
The Global Disinformation Index spread its ratings through government contracts and ad-tech partners such as Oracle and Microsoft Xandr. Dynamic exclusion lists automatically steered advertisers away from flagged sites. UnHerd’s revenue declined after it was labeled for gender-critical content. The organization’s advisory panel included prominent journalists until several requested removal in 2023 amid bias allegations. [3][5]
Elite institutions rewarded alignment with prevailing narratives. Katherine Maher’s public statements and tweet history showed activist language that advanced within organizations like Wikimedia and NPR. Brandy Zadrozny’s Twitter posts celebrated successful deplatformings and doxing of accounts she described as spreading disinformation. These examples reinforced the impression that careers advanced by framing conservative speech as a public-health threat. [10][9]
Conservative outlets and independent journalists pushed back through investigative series and leaked documents. The Twitter Files revealed coordination between federal agencies and platforms. Gabe Kaminsky’s reporting in the Washington Examiner documented patterns in Global Disinformation Index scores. Such work gradually shifted the burden of proof onto the organizations claiming neutrality. [12][5]
Governments and technology companies adopted Big Disinfo classifications to flag and sometimes remove content. The European Union issued its Action Plan Against Disinformation in 2018. The World Health Organization declared an infodemic during the COVID-19 pandemic and supported related initiatives. Platforms including Facebook revised moderation policies and partnered with fact-checkers such as PolitiFact to label and demote material. [1][4]
Canada’s Liberal government introduced Bill C-63, the Online Harms Act, which would amend the Criminal Code, create new regulatory bodies, and expand the Canadian Human Rights Act to cover online complaints. Justice Minister Arif Virani described the legislation as necessary to protect children and combat hate. Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre called it an attack on free expression. The bill remains contentious. [11]
The Department of Homeland Security established the Disinformation Governance Board to coordinate across agencies on issues including election integrity and public health. Officials insisted it had no enforcement power. Senator Josh Hawley and Fox News hosts portrayed it as the start of domestic censorship. The board was dissolved after intense backlash. [17][15]
The Center for Countering Digital Hate lobbied Congress for a new US digital regulator and pushed platforms to adopt its STAR framework. It influenced advertiser decisions that demonetized conservative sites including The Federalist. Google removed ads from several outlets after the group’s reports. These actions demonstrated how private organizations could shape public policy while claiming independence. [20][21]
The Global Disinformation Index’s ratings led advertisers to boycott or reduce spending with sites such as UnHerd. The outlet’s revenue declined after it was flagged for gender-critical content that the index labeled anti-LGBTQI+ disinformation. Conservative media organizations reported significant lost advertising dollars. The Daily Wire and The Federalist sued over alleged censorship through the ratings system. [1][3][5]
Doxing of anonymous accounts by journalists like Brandy Zadrozny resulted in harassment and threats against Trump supporters. Accounts such as the Columbia Bugle faced doxxing after prominent retweets. Some individuals reported life-threatening targeting. These tactics contributed to a climate of intimidation during the 2020 election cycle. [9]
NPR suspended senior editor Uri Berliner without pay after he criticized the organization’s ideological tilt. He resigned shortly afterward. The episode chilled internal dissent at a publicly funded broadcaster. Katherine Maher’s leadership at Wikimedia also involved suppression of dissenting views on COVID-19 and the 2020 election. [10]
Researchers who studied disinformation or controversial topics faced professional repercussions. Bryan Pesta lost tenure at Cleveland State University after a complaint about his peer-reviewed paper on racial differences. Nicholas Cofnas endured multiple petition campaigns and protests at the University of Ghent that threatened his academic appointment. Such cases illustrated the personal costs of challenging prevailing assumptions. [30][25]
The assumption faced growing questions after the Washington Examiner published Gabe Kaminsky’s investigative series in February 2023. The articles documented that the Global Disinformation Index rated right-leaning sites as highest risk and left-leaning ones as lowest. Several funders including the UK Foreign Office and the National Endowment for Democracy withdrew support. The US State Department later sanctioned co-founder Clare Melford’s visa for allegedly coercing platforms to censor opposing views. [5]
Elon Musk’s release of the Twitter Files and his public call to shut down the Global Disinformation Index amplified criticism. Leaked Center for Countering Digital Hate documents revealed plans titled Kill Musk’s Twitter and raised questions about compliance with its nonprofit status. Musk sued the group in 2023. Congressional subpoenas sought donor information. [12][20][21]
A large-scale analysis of PolitiFact data from 2018 to 2021 that controlled for prominence and media coverage found no evidence that Republicans were fact-checked more than Democrats. Meta announced in 2025 that it would end its US fact-checking partnerships, including with PolitiFact, and rely instead on Community Notes. These developments suggested that centralized, top-down verification faced practical and political limits. [6][31]
The Disinformation Governance Board was shut down after months of controversy. Nina Jankowicz’s defamation suit against Fox News highlighted the intensity of the backlash but also the difficulty of maintaining public trust once charges of bias took hold. A substantial body of critics now argue that anti-disinformation efforts have become entangled with partisan incentives. Significant evidence challenges the original claim of neutrality, though defenders maintain that the underlying problem of false information remains real. [15][17]
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